THE small building in a crowded neighbourhood at the edge of Jalan Pos Pengumben (Pos Pengumben Street), West Jakarta is named “FBR GARDU 0214”. It is painted bright green. At the left and right sides of the post fly small green flags with three letters, F-B-R (Forum Betawi Rempug, or Betawi Brotherhood Forum). Most people in the neighbourhood know it as one of FBR gardu, a small security post. Although it was claimed to secure the area from thugs, especially at night, the gardu was often used to run informal meeting and baiat or oath of loyalty for new member. 

Inside the post, there are two big photos of a man wearing black-white turban. Below the photos, it is written “KH DR Fadloli El Muhir, Pimpinan Yayasan Pondok Pesantren Yatim Ziyadatul Mubtadi’ien dan Mubtadi’at (Chairman of Foundation of Ziyadatul Mubtadi’ien and Mubtadi’at Religious Boarding and Orphanage School). In the 2009 general election, Kiai Fadloli the founder of FBR was elected to sit in the house of representative. He died from a heart attack in March 2009.   

“We’re going to continue the late Kiai (Islam religious scholar) Fadloli spirit to unite the Betawi people. Only by uniting, we’ll be the master and owner of our own land (Jakarta city),” said Hery, secretary of Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR) GARDU 0214. He has a small dressmaker enterprise near the gardu.

According to National Census Data on 2000 as cited in Indonesia’s Population: Ethnicity and Religion in a Changing Political Landscape (Leo Suryadinata, Evi N. Arifin, and Aris Ananta. 2003) the Betawi comprise 27.65 per cent of Jakarta’s population, numbering about 2.7 million. It is the second largest population in the capital of Indonesia after Javanese that comprises about 35 per cent. They can trace their origins in Jakarta back to its founding in the 15th century.

Hery joined the FBR about two and a half years ago. The 31-year-old Betawi man admitted that what attracted him to the organization was its influence among other Betawi organizations, and that it defended the rights of the Betawi community and their devotion to Islam. 

“We welcome other ethnics to live in Jakarta, but they must behave properly and respect our rights as the original inhabitants,” Hery continued, adding he has been living in Jakarta since he was born 31 years ago. 

The organization

The FBR first emerged in July 2001 in the wake of a series of violent incidents between Betawi and Maduranese in Cakung-Cilincing, a border between East and North Jakarta. As media reported, the conflict sparked over control of parking territory market in the area between Maduranese thugs and FBR members. In July 2002, a half dozens were died and several seriously injured as the conflict turned to mass riot and ethnic violence. The conflict tension abated as the police confiscate number of perpetrators, and the leaders of the two ethnic agree to reconcile.

The young FBR members.

Fadloli el-Muhir, an Islamic preacher, a former journalist and a politician within the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (Indonesian Democratic Party, or PDI) created the FBR and made it an influential organization. When he died in March, Kiai Haji Lufti Hakim took over the leadership. 

The FBR is just one out of 116 Betawi organizations in Jakarta. Yet, it is one of the most active, and has strong influences as it has large number of members and backed by the local police. They joined in series mass rally to fight Law of Pornography with Islamic organizations, and raided places reckoned as source of ‘wickedness’, such as café, bar, and discotheque. In order to obtain recognition and to strengthen its influence, however, the organization elites developed alliances with other ethnic groups, religious associations and political parties.  

The FBR claims to have more than 2 million members, almost half of the Betawi communities in Jakarta. The organization aims “to act as a vehicle through which to struggle for the rights of the Betawi community, which till now have been oppressed, both structurally as well as culturally, so that they may become ‘the real owner of the island’”.

Most of the FBR members work as ojek (motorcycle used for public transport) driver, security, parking attendant, and preman, an informal term for a thug or gangster. Most of its member has not had much schooling, including Hery. 

Yet many FBR elites have close ties with high-ranking police and state security. It is linked over informal economy and security service enterprise which owned by the elites including the late Fadloli. In addition to teach Islamic lessons at the pesantren, he is one of shareholders of PT Fajar Berkah Restu, a general supplier and security service company. He is also the owner of PT Fajar Betawi Rempug which is run a security service. 

The FBR has developed relatively monopolistic control over the informal economy in considerable areas of Jakarta, most notably the semi-industrial and commerce sections, including the traditional markets in Jakarta such as Kuningan, Pulo Gadung, Pasar Senen, Kebayoran, and Pasar Minggu.  

Celebrating the 8th anniversary.

The organization is likened to be the mafia or a gang. They admitted most of its members are preman and poor people. 

“But we’re not a preman or illegal organization. Otherwise we’ve been registered as a formal and ethnic organization,” Hery said, quoting his top leader Kiai Lutfi.

Before thousands of FBR member in the 8th organization anniversary early August in Ragunan, South Jakarta, even Kiai Lutfi challenges those who alleged the organization as gang, and who tended to forbid its activities. 

“If they want to stop FBR, they must first disband the parliament!” he said. He declined if his organization emulates the mafia or gang. 

“Those who behave like gangster or preman are not representing FBR. Just like those who alleged for embezzlement of state budget in the parliament, we can’t say all the parliament members are corruptor,” he argued.

The 2009 Election

“FBR GARDU 0214” is one of 300 security posts spread out throughout Jakarta, Bogor, Tangerang and Depok. Most are near intersections, markets or bus terminals. As David Brown and Ian Wilson wrote in Ethnicized Violence in Indonesia: The Betawi Brotherhood Forum in Jakarta (2007), these small security posts resemblance the territorial command structure of the Indonesian military. Each gardu has a coordinator and an advisory council. They basically have a mandate by the central leadership to seek funds and take action against drug traffickers, alcohol vendors and entertainment venues considered immoral.

Yet, in 2009 general election, the gardu took on another role. It gathered and mobilized FBR members. 

“Our members participated voluntarily to secure so the event runs properly in peace, free and fair. For us, the national sovereignty is everything,” Feri said. He claimed that they aim was just to help the police officers and General Election Commission to secure the election process during the election day in most of voting booth at greater Jakarta. 

“It (to secure the election) is also part of our baiat (oath of obedience and loyalty) to the organization and our imamah (leader),” Hery added. The baiat consist of nine statement of loyalty to the organization, among other is to cooperate and help the security apparatus, such as to fight against terrorism, as long as not violated Sharia.

With more than 2 million members, political parties recognize FBR as an ethnic organization that can mobilize the Betawi vote in Jakarta. Many political parties asked FBR elites to run for local office. 

“In fact, we’re independent organization. The late Kiai recommend to the members to cast their vote based on their conscience,” Feri argued.

In the 2009 election, five FBR elites with support from Partai Amanat Nasional (Indonesian National Mandate Party, or PAN) registered to run for local office in Jakarta province. PAN is a moderate Islamic party. The other FBR elite ran for national office with support from Partai Golongan Karya (Golkar).

Five of the FBR elites supported by PAN did not to pass electoral threshold as they didn’t get enough votes. Some of them say they will run again and are preparing for the 2014 election. 

“I will try again in the next election,” Haji Solahuddin said. He was one of the PAN’s candidates from FBR, yet failed to get enough votes in the recent election. He is also the chairman of FBR in South Jakarta territorial.

“Of course, I will fight for the Betawi’s welfare. But I can’t tell you now what will I promise to in detail,” he added.   

Ian Wilson of the Asia Research Centre in Australia whose work specializes on the FBR and ethnic violence in Indonesia has noted the organization’s political agenda behind the recent election. In email correspondence, Wilson observed that the major agenda of FBR in the recent elections was to attempt to make the transition from ‘informal power’, in particular to turn their street presence into formal political power. 

“If they do gain this formal power, the primary objectives are to further the direct interests of the group,” he wrote.  

The agenda, he continued, includes FBR’s long standing requests to the government of Jakarta for special training facilities for their members, small enterprise subsidies as well as a formalized legal status of the Betawi as the original people of Jakarta. Legal status would include attendant rights of land, and employment by making it obligatory for businesses to hire Betawi over other groups. FBR also is pushing for an anti-migration agenda to restrict the number of people allowed to settle in Jakarta. 

"Si Pitung" reborn.

Amsori, deputy of Law, Political and Cultural division of Central FBR, said the organization is now looking to the 2014 election. But he said it will likely not side with only one ‘political vehicle’. Instead, the late Fadloli told members to affiliate with which ever political party makes them the most advantageous offer. Just like the recent election, FBR members were involved with a range of parties, such as United Development Party (PPP), Golkar, Democrat Party (PD) and PAN.

“If we want to be a master in our homeland, then we must fight for it, including by political means,” Amsori explained.  

“In the next election, we already have a target that some of the FBR members have to sit in the house of representative. And, if any FBR member or elite runs for office, then it is the member obligation to support them fully,” he continued. 

The giant ondel-ondel.

In the presidential election, July 8th 2009, the FBR threw its support behind the incumbent candidates Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Budiono (SBY-Budiono), after the candidate’s campaign team came to and lobbied the FBR elites. As they recognized and promised to guarantee the organization existence, later then the FBR leader KH Lutfi Hakim ordered every gardu coordinator to mobilize their member to work for the candidates. The guarantee can be implied as indirect support and back up to the organization activities and existences.

“Together with other members across Jakarta, Depok, Tangerang, Bekasi and Bogor regency, I joined the candidate’s campaign,” Gunawan said. The 29-year-old man is another member of FBR who worked as illegal parking attendant at Batusari, Palmerah district, West Jakarta. 

“Regardless any consideration, we must obey imamah. If our leader told us to vote SBY-Budiono, then we must vote them,” Gunawan continued. “Those who disobey imamah are betrayer.”  

The candidates Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Budiono (SBY-Budiono), won the election.  Fahrul Razi, a 32-year-old-Betawi who worked as ojek driver near Rawa Belong Flower Market, Palmerah district, was a bit cynical at the outcome. 

“Although I voted the candidates, it will not going to change our fate as the poorer,” he said. *END

By Samiaji Bintang

July 8th, 2009, was a historic day in Indonesia. I forced myself to wake up early, and went to voting station near to my home. I went with a purpose: to cast my ballot for the next leader of Indonesia, a country with the biggest Moslem population.

Along with more than 176 million voters across the country –the third largest election after the United State and India, I dream of a strong and visionary leader who could bring a better living for the people of the country. National Statistic Agency reports around 33 million still live in poverty and 1 out of every 114 adults are looking for work.

As I walked to the polling station I thought, our next President must create more jobs for the young people in particular. Over the next five years, she/he must also work to provide free and more access to education and better health care service for the poor and low income family both in the cities and remote villages in the archipelago.

Instead of the propaganda and empty promises made during the campaign, the next president that Indonesian people count on must be a man or woman who will guarantee the end of cronyism in state-owned corporations and bureaucracies which is part of the Suharto dictatorship’s legacy.

Despite the overwhelming natural resources, the Transparency International report in 2009 notes Indonesia is still on the highest ranks of the corrupt countries list.
So our new leader must be courageous to eradicate corruption regarded as a major source of disaster for the country. It has undermined state wealth for years and impoverished millions.

Maybe candidates should heed the old proverb start from small things; be honest and transparent. That’s the best way to judge the candidate’s credibility and accountability. Besides his/her personal wealth, the candidates must publish their campaign donations; how much and where did they come from?

This is important as voters need to know who contributed to candidates’ campaigns to monitor whether elected leaders attempt to repay this support by policy decisions which are disadvantageous to the general public. Otherwise, according to Indonesia Corruption Watch, a local NGO, the candidates could compromise future decision-making if they win power, and spend funds in illegal ways, such as buying votes.

Current and past controversy
While queuing up in the line, I look over the candidates’ faces on the information board near the ballot box. It shows Megawati Sukarnoputri and her running-mate (retired general) Prabowo Subianto on the first column. The second is (retired general) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his running-mate Budiono. The last is Jusuf Kalla and his running-mate (retired general) Wiranto.

Despite their achievements, those candidates have long record of controversy. A news report which I read few days before the election-day stated the candidates in Indonesia’s 2009 presidential election are alleged to have taken illegal campaign donations.

The illegal practices are widely used to get around the limit on donations set by the election law. It regulates corporate donations to a presidential campaign to no more than IDR 5 billion (US$505,000), while individual donations are limited at IDR 1 billion. The law is supposed to ensure the election will be fair for each candidate.

Until the D-Day of the election, voters have no press releases or clear statements from each candidate concerning their campaign donations.

Another news report exposed a retired general as having committed serious crimes against humanity such as kidnapping and killing civilians during the past Suharto dictatorship.

Given those three candidates, in the long run, there are no guarantees the next president will live up to public expectations on eradicating corruption and poverty as well as upholding human rights. Moreover, three decades of living under the dictatorship of Gen. Suharto is enough for Indonesians to reach that conclusion.

Some of you may say those who do not exercise their right to vote are bad citizens. But, at least s/he does not compromise his/her conscience and contribute to any deception of the next president by giving his/her vote.

Thus, after re-thinking of the candidate’s records for a moment, I made a clear decision; turn away and leave the ballot station afterwards.

Three weeks later, General Election Commission announces the final election result.
From 171,068,667 registered voters in 33 provinces and oversea, the results show Yudhoyono won 73,874,562 votes; Megawati with 32,548,105 votes; and Kalla with 15,081,814 votes.

The Commission stated nearly 50 million registered voters did not show up nor exercise their right to vote on the Election Day.

I guess I am not the only one on this side. * END

Number of villagers in Aceh Jaya were pushed and hemmed in the conflict between Indonesian military and the GAM guerillas. They had to survive as if living in between two giant elephants fighting.

IN THE NIGHT of August 23, 2008, Hasannuddin (40) and his wife, Marlina, were sleepless. Around 10 o’clock that evening, a male elephant entered their cocoa and banana farmland behind their house. The giant animal broke down the barbwire-fence around the farmland, and devoured some banana stalks. Banana crop is one of its favorite foods. Hasanuddin went to his neighbors seeking for help to chase the wild elephant away from his farmland.

“Go away, please… Go away…,” Hasanuddin and his colleagues implored. Villagers knew that the wild giant animal has sensitive behavior. To chase the elephant away, they did not use any harmful techniques. Otherwise, it will attack back savagely.

“Please, don’t harm our farm …” begged Hasanuddin while waving his hands to chase away the elephant. But it kept devouring the trees. Then Hasanuddin managed to assemble woods to set a bonfire. The fire caused the elephant move away from the farm. But it continued to eat the remains of the banana stalks after breaking another barbwire-fence. Around 2 o’clock pre dawn, after completely finished the stalks, the elephant left the farm.

Hasanuddin, however, decided to watch over the farm along with his wife and his neighbors. They gathered around the bonfire. They were worried the giant animal might come back at any time.

Make a living
Hasanuddin is a head of Cot Punti village at Sampoinet, Aceh Jaya district. To make both ends meet, he works in his two hectare-farmland..That is why he was panic when he saw an elephant trespass the barbwire-fence in his farm. Moreover, a few months ago he just planted hundreds of cocoa seed for about half a hectare. He also planted banana crops among the cocoa trees. He got the seeds from Caritas Czech Republic that distributed both kinds of seeds to improve livelihood program in the conflict-affected village.

“We rely on the cocoa crops to finance our children’s education,” Hasanuddin mentioned.

He has estimated, after three years the cocoa seeds would yield. If it could grow well and bore fruits, the cocoa will be more profitable than bananas. It will also become his investment after long period of turbulences that has put his family in poverty.

“After conflict we start from zero,” Marlina added.

Sampoinet, a sub-district in Aceh Jaya, consists of tens of villages. By the end of 1980s, some of the villages were allocated to be used as transmigration settlement zone under national government decree. Around 140 residents from Java had come in to Cot Punti village. The other residents inhabited next villages namely Krueng Ayon, Ranto Sabon, and Ie Jeurenge.

Since the 1990s, the villagers depended on farmland yields as the land have fertile soils. The Javanese brought and cultivated orange seeds. They changed numerous acres of the land into orange farmland. The local community was excited as its yield is profitable. They began to open similar farm. Hasanuddin was one of local farmers who also cultivate hundreds of orange crops in his farmland. In every harvest season, tons of oranges were delivered to Medan and Jakarta. The Sampoinet orange was popular at the time.

But, conflict between Indonesia military and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) guerillas has broken down in 2000. The conflict also triggered social division. It pushed hundreds of Javanese out of Aceh and back to Java Island. They left their orange farmlands and their houses.

“My neighbor entrusted his certificate of land to me. I’ve been keeping it in my wardrobe until today,” Hasanuddin said.

The conflict has also put Hasanuddin and other villagers to poverty. Thousands of villagers lost of their jobs and livelihoods. Living amidst conflict had pushed them to stay at home.

Since that time, hundreds acres of farmland were turned into bushes. Transportation infrastructure was damaged and the bushes covered the roads. Electricity network broke down and left the villagers in darkness when night comes. The public health center building turned into a military post. Dozens of villager’s houses were burned down.

Hasanuddin and other villagers in Sampoinet were pushed and hemmed in the conflict between Indonesian military and the GAM guerillas. They had to survive as if living in between two giant elephants fighting.

Wind of Peace
The wind of peace blows in Aceh right after the Indonesia government and GAM settled memorandum of understanding in Helsinki, Finland, 15 August 2005. Gradually, Aceh condition turns to normal. However, people in rural Aceh and conflict affected remains living in deprivation due to lack of economic access. Meanwhile, going back to the farm land is difficult and requires passion as well as hard effort.

“It also takes a lot of money. How can we buy the seeds? We don’t have any money,” said Awaluddin (30) who lives in Ligan village, Sampoinet.

He was an orange farmer. But, he went to Banda Aceh and stayed in the city during the conflict. He worked as a toy seller. A few months after the tsunami hit Aceh on December 2004, he went back to his village and worked as a truck driver. He brought timbers of illegal logging from Sampoinet to Banda Aceh. He could earn IDR 1-1.5 million (US$ 100-150) every month for such timber business.

In spite of the damage to the environment, such business gave him and some of villagers’ instant profits. Moreover, the construction materials and timber demand in Aceh has risen after the tsunami swept away thousands of house and building. The international organizations, meanwhile, have also caused social gap since they focus on pouring aid to the tsunami-affected areas.

“The trucks with full of material construction and aid are crossing the poor and conflict affected village’s streets every day. Meanwhile, the villagers are envious as they could only watch the aid is brought to the tsunami-affected area,” said Yayat, Caritas field officer who carried out survey in Sampoinet villages.

In early 2008, Caritas Czech Republic started to help the villagers in Sampoinet district. The Caritas staffs carried out survey and needs assessment among the villagers. They also held meeting with local figures prior to provide aid appropriately.

“If somebody asks me to choose money or seeds, I would prefer to the last one. Money will run out in few days because there’s always passion to buy anything,” Musdar (33) said. He lives in Ie Jeureunge village.

Throughout livelihood program, the Caritas agreed to promote agriculture and agro-forestry in Sampoinet. Both are prospective business as global food price and demand tends to increase.

The Caritas staffs distributed thousands of the seeds to more than 1,110 households, as the beneficiaries, across 21 villages in Sampoinet district. But, the staffs had beneficiaries to clean their farmland from bushes prior to receive and plant the seeds. In addition to the seeds, the Caritas also provided them with barbwire. It is used as fence to protect the farmland from wild hogs.

Hasanuddin and Musdar were among the beneficiaries. Each of them has received more than 300 cocoa seeds. They have dream to have a sustainable livelihood.

Recognizing the benefit, Awaluddin is also interested in the Caritas’ livelihood program. He prefers to quit from his job as a driver of timber truck. He has come to mind that such timber business could harm the forest near to his village.

“Why didn’t you choose to cultivate orange crops as you did before?” I asked Awaluddin.

“It is very expensive and I don’t have much money,” he replied.

Based upon his previous experience, his orange farm is dependent on expensive chemical such as fertilizer and pesticide. Lack of knowledge in sustainable farming, however, is a main cause of problems for farmer in rural areas. Instead of providing more benefit to farmers, chemical-based farming could poison the soil and water sources, hurt land productivity and harmed farmers’ health.

Organic farming, therefore, is the way forward to reduce farmer poverty. Caritas invited and worked together with IDEP Foundation to hold capacity building in organic farming for farmers through in-field training. IDEP is a national NGO that focus on training and education of sustainable development throughout permanent culture (permaculture) methods. The method was designed to seek harmonious integration of landscape and people to provide food, shelter, energy and other materials or non-materials need in a sustainable way.

The training was held in the learning center and nursery of Caritas at Reuntang village, Sampoinet sub district. Through in-field training, farmers would get sufficient knowledge and skill to raise organic cocoa crops.

Challenge remains
“Nowadays, the greatest enemy in our farm land is elephant,” Hasanuddin said.
Two days after the male giant elephant damaged his farm, he attended a community meeting with other leaders and local figures from four villages such Cot Punti, Ranto Saboon, Ie Jeureunge, and Krueng Ayon. The main topic was to chase the elephants away and to prevent it descend to the villages and cocoa crop farms.

“Handling wild hogs are easier than elephants. We can protect the farm with barbwire-fence so that the hogs can’t enter our farm and eat the crops,” Musdar explained.

The elephant which damaged the farmers land has become a daily conversation among villagers either in coffee stalls or in meunasah, a local prayer building. Since their cocoa farms are threatened by the elephants, Hasanuddin and Cot Punti villagers managed to do night patrols.

The conflict between the villagers and the wild elephants has been running since last year. Neither the farmer nor elephant is wrong. If there are no preventive measures, the giant animals’ anger could continue and beat cocoa seeds of the farmer’s.

“In the last conflict, if we wanted to go to farm we could get permit easily from Danton (platoon commander of Indonesian army). In today’s conflict, we’re facing the real elephants. It’s impossible (for us to beat them),” Hassanuddin said.

Two days after the local leaders’ meeting in meunasah, an elephant descent to Ie Jeurenge village, next to Cot Punti. The villagers worked together to chase it away using long, smooth, and cylindrical bamboo cannon. And it works.

*** END

*) This report had also published at http://www.caritas-europa.org/code/EN/abou.asp?Page=914

This Acehnese woman wants to know who killed her relative. (Courtesy of Tarmizi Harva)

SUKMAWATI stood with her right fist pointed up to the cloudy sky. Her clothes and veil became wet as a light rain began to fall.

“Long life to victims of conflict!” a woman shouted through a megaphone. She stood in front of Sukmawati and other women. The victims of conflict from different districts across Aceh province, united in protest in front of the local parliament building on Monday, July 23, 2007.

“Long life …!” Sukmawati replied in a loud voice, and then she began to cry. At 52, she is a widow from Kabu Tunong village, Nagan Raya District, Aceh province. She has been teaching biology for years in a junior high school at Nagan Timur sub district, where she has around 160 poor students.

The teacher is one of thousands of conflict victims in Aceh. Her house was burned down by the Indonesian military on October, 2002. That afternoon, she said, troops ran a military operation in the village seeking Aceh Free Movement (GAM) guerillas. They ransacked every house, and when they did not find any guerillas, they began to burn the villagers’ houses. A few months later, she managed to rebuild her home by borrowing a small amount of money from a local bank since she does not earn enough as a local teacher to afford the cost. She also, at the same time, managed to finance her three childrens’ education.

”We’re here demanding justice,” said the woman with the megaphone, addressing Sukmawati and the other women. The speaker’s name was Nurma, another victim of conflict. She was pouring out her disappointments and resentments to the parliament members for ignoring the victims’ agony.

“We’re here demanding that the perpetrators of these crimes against humanity be taken to the Human Rights Court. They must be sentenced!” Nurma said with gusto.

Several women held up posters that said, “The black history of Aceh MUST be disclosed through KKR (Commission for Truth and Reconciliation)”, “In the conflict era we were the VICTIMs, while in the peaceful era we are the FORGOTTEN”.

“Otherwise, we will continue to pray to Allah,” Nurma said. “We were being oppressed and Allah the Mighty will grant our request immediately. May His judgment soon come to you!” A number of photographers took Nurma’s picture when she cried out.

Moments later, Sukmawati moved out from the mass and asked permission to use the megaphone. She preferred to sing a song than to speak as Nurma had. She began to sing a sad song with a soft voice. The song described how she lost her husband, the brutality of the Indonesian military operation in her village, and about her only house that was burned down by the military.

Friends in agony
Among other protesters, there were victims of human rights violations from Java, Papua, and other regions in Indonesia, as well as the former Indonesian province of Timor-Leste, now an independent nation. Prior to joining the rally, they were invited to Aceh to participate in a national meeting for victims of crimes against humanity. It was a national forum to strengthen solidarity amongst the victims.

One of them was Lestari (76) who became a victimof national tragedy in 1965. She was arrested in 1968, at the the beginning of the Suharto dictatorship. She was detained in a special prison for women in Malang, East Java. The government alleged her activity had a strong association with an illegal party at the time. Instead of relying on a fair judicial process to provide evidence, the government determined her to be a political prisoner. Besides forcing her into prison, the military also ransacked her house.

“They had put me in jail for eleven years without any juridical considerations. Until they freed me in 1979, they never let me know what my fault was,” she said adding that now the prison where she was arrested had already become a giant shopping center.

After being freed, Lestari could no longer go to her home as the government had taken it over. She had no choice but to live in a house for old folks in Jakarta.

“I want my house back, because I did nothing wrong. I’m demanding fairness and justice,” the old lady told me adding that she would continue to fight until the government returns her rights.

Unlike Sukmawati, the aged woman did not have the strength to make fists or point to the sky or shout. Her movements were so slow that Ruminah, another victim of human rights violations, had to help her to stand and walk.

Ruminah is a mother who lost her beloved son, Gunawan, during the biggest mass riot in the country on May 13 – 14, 1998. She lived in Klender, East Jakarta, close to Yogya Department Store, a five story building which burned down in the riot, killing hundreds.

“Here, we stand and share together to support all Achenese as victims of crimes against humanity. We are together to demand the enforcement of truth and justice,” Ruminah said.

Demanding Justice
While having full support from her colleagues, Sukmawati believes that both the parliament and the government will grant the victim’s demands to set up either a Human Rights Court or Commission for Truth and Reconciliation. If it is established in Aceh, it would be possible for other victims of human rights abuses outside Aceh to demand similar bodies in their province.

The body itself is one of the mandates of the peace accord between the Indonesian government and Aceh Free Movement that was signed in Helsinki in 2005. The government will resolve the three decades of conflict in Aceh by maintaining the Commission. It aims to enforce law and order in Aceh. This mandate is emphasized in National Law No 11/2006 on Government of Aceh. The Commission establishment, as delineated in the chapter regarding Human Rights, is a prerequisite to another related regulation.

“In fact, the Commission performance could prevent further crimes against humanity and human rights violations,” said Faisal Hadi, coordinator of the Human Right NGOs Coalition.

There are thousands of victims of human rights abuse in Aceh who are demanding justice for violence committed by the military. Either the Commission or Human Rights Court is a reasonable and concrete solution for these victims for it could also prevent another conflict in Aceh.

“Most of the victims aspire to know exactly where his or her sons, parents, or relatives were lost. If they are already dead, where are the graves? Otherwise, where does he or she lives now?” he explained.

The Commission, in fact, could be formed in Aceh regardless of the Law No 27/2004 consideration. According to Bahrum M Rasyid, secretary of commission in Aceh house representative, there were two schemes to establish the Commission. The first, said the member of the local legal draft team, is a regular procedure in which the government assembles and proposes a draft regulation to the local parliament to be legalized. The second scheme, meanwhile, is rooted in civil society groups’ initiative to complete and propose the draft. If it is approved at least by five legislators from three different parties, the local parliament would legalize it.

Up to now, however, the house has been overwhelmed incorporating 20 drafts of local regulation from Sharia Law into the Regional Budget. But, none of the drafts specifically concern victims of human rights violations, not even the Commission establishment plan.

“We haven’t yet received such a draft from the government,” Bahrum said. *** END

Let's check the cocoa seed.

NURSIAH (42) was impatient to greening her new farmland with cocoa seeds. The mother of two sons has cleaned the farmland from the bushes amidst unfriendly heat that afternoon. For about half a hectare of her land hampered across Arun Patah village in Panga sub district, Aceh Jaya district.

“I’ve been waiting for the seeds. Staff of Caritas Czech Republic said they will give them to us when the field school program ended,” Nursiah said, happily.

Having difficult moment of living throughout years of conflict, violence and deadly disaster, Nursiah then refer her intention in farming. Her first husband has divorced her during conflicting era in Aceh in 2000. She was accused as an Inong Balee, a GAM military wing for women. Inong Balee means widow.

When tsunami swallowed western coast of Aceh end 2004 and vanished thousands of houses, Nursiah’s house in Arun Patah village was swept away. She was in Medan when the deadly natural disaster happened. Her sons Dedi Syahputra and Imam Syahputra, meanwhile, studied in a pesantren (religious boarding school) in Bireuen district.

International humanitarian response and aid have lightened up her family’s living burden. However, as a single parent she has to work while embracing her sons’ educational costs. She managed to work as a labor in rubber farms and tapped the sap out of rubber trees. She could earn approximately IDR 20 to 25 thousands (around US$ 2.5) per day. It depends on the amount of the rubber sap that she could tap.

When she received aid from government for the orphans, she used it to buy 2.5 hectare of land on the hillfoot near her village. She turned some 1.5 hectares of her land into rubber plantation. She worked together with her mother to cultivate rubber seedlings. Yet, she was not satisfied as the rest of her land has nothing but bushes. She tried to find any information to cultivate the land in her village.

“I heard in the beginning, there would be distribution of cocoa seeds. Then I went to head of village to confirm and ask for his permission to join the cocoa farmers group to get the cocoa seeds”.

Caritas Czech Republic would provide the seeds. The community in the village, as the beneficiaries, however, needed to fulfill some requirements. Among other thing, they should own land to be cultivated. They also need to find 10 more new members so they could develop a new group.

It was not easy to invite other neighbors to join the group to farm, but Nursiah made it. There were two women and seven men joined her group. They even elect her to become the manager of the group. They all then attended serial sessions of field school training supported by Caritas.

“WE introduce sustainable agriculture,” said Sapta Mohammad Cakra, coordinator of research and development Archipelago Alternative Agriculture Foundation (PANSU). PANSU, a North Sumatra-based non governmental organization, consists of farmers that focused on promoting organic farming since 1990s. Indeed, introduction of Green Revolution technology in the 1970s has helped increasing yields, but at a high cost. The high yielding seeds were also dependent on expensive chemical fertilizer that poisoned the soil and water sources, affected land productivity and harmed farmers’ health.

Throughout field school program, PANSU opposed chemical pesticide and fertilizer. At the same time, the organization staffs assisting and introducing organic farming to farmers across districts in North Sumatra province. Right after 2004 tsunami devastated farmland in Simeulue and Nias islands, PANSU initiated assistance to local farmers, particularly in cocoa and rubber crops. The aims were to re-develop sustainable farming and to improve local farmer benefit.

In early 2008 with Caritas Czech Republic support, PANSU assisted local farmers in tsunami-affected area like Aceh Jaya district such Krueng Sabe sub district, Panga, Setia Bakti, and Jaya sub district to improve sustainable farming. Most of the population had lost their houses and farmland as well as their job.

International aid organizations came in to pour aid and to help. But on the other hand, such assistance had changed beneficiaries’ views. Instead of generating initiatives, beneficiaries become dependent on aid while the international aid organizations sooner or later would leave the area.

“Villagers here (in Aceh Jaya) have become dependent. Everything needs to be prepared and helped. We want their soil of farm well cultivated that most of them can be cleaned from any chemical input. Well, our plan is to reduce villager’s dependence. Thus, seeds will be given to those who really need and enthusiastic in farming,” Sapta explained.

Sapta continued that seeds would be given right after the beneficiaries have had sufficient knowledge on how to cultivate and nurse them, including to promote and improve the yields. If not, thousand of seeds will be worthless. As common consequences, this would increase poverty.

“The objective of field school is: when the farmers had sufficient knowledge of sustainable farming, they could develop and manage the farmland by themselves,” Sapta added.

PANSU has been running the assistance and field school program for almost six months. Around eleven trainers of PANSU team, who are successful farmers, carried out assistance program to the farmer clusters across five sub districts in Aceh Jaya.

NURSIAH and her colleagues in the group are part of the PANSU ‘field students’. She never missed the sessions held in a farmland at Alue Piet village, Panga sub district. The school maintained fixed schedule every Friday, from 9 to 5 p.m. She learned to cultivate cocoa crops such as grafting methods. She was also trained to produce compost and natural concoction to stimulate fruits. In field school, finally she knew how to handle the cocoa pod borer – an enemy to cocoa farmer – using natural ingredients.

“We also learn by practising in the field. I brought a note book in every school session. So I could repeat reading my note when I forget,” Nursiah said.

Cocoa is one of the global food market commodities. According to the International Cocoa Organization (ICCO), cocoa rates hiking trend in international market. In 2007, the rates reach up to US$ 2,000 per ton. In June 2008, the rates hiked more than 50% into about US$ 3,000 per ton. The main cocoa consumers are Netherlands, USA, Ivory Coast and European countries.

In Indonesia, cocoa is one of export commodities that contribute to national income after rubber and palm oil. Indonesia is in the ‘big of three’ of world cocoa producers. The national rate recently is about IDR 12,000 (US$ 1.2) per kilogram.

“As long as the yields are international commodity and organic farming, the rate tends to increase. We need to maintain the production sector,” Sapta said.

PANSU has already settled down cocoa desiccation factory. As an addition of how serious they are, PANSU had also developed marketing network to the consumers related to cocoa yields from farmers and cooperatives. If the cocoa production sector is running well as good as the marketing, it will also benefit the farmers. Nursiah and her fellow farmers were also encouraged by this. She could not bear to wait any longer to cultivate and nurse the cocoa seed in her land.

“If I already have the seeds, I will nurse them well. I will benefit the yields to pay my sons education. So, they could be assisted in finding job,” was Nursiah wish. *** END

*) This report had published at http://www.caritas-europa.org/code/EN/abou.asp?Page=914